Democracy 21 Releases Excerpts from dozens of Editorials Across the Nation Supporting the DISCLOSE Act
Below are excerpts from dozens of examples of the nationwide editorial support that exists for campaign finance disclosure and the DISCLOSE Act.
During the recently concluded national elections, well over a hundred million dollars in secret contributions was spent by outside groups to influence congressional races.
For the first time in nearly forty years huge amounts of secret money were injected into federal elections, courtesy of the disastrous Supreme Court decision in the Citizens United case.
"There is overwhelming public support for requiring disclosure of the secret money that is invading our elections and buying influence over government decisions," said Democracy 21 President Fred Wertheimer.
According to a New York Times report (October 28, 2010) on a poll conducted by the Times and CBS News shortly before the election:
In a year of record campaign spending, Americans overwhelmingly support limits on corporate and advocacy group funding of campaign advertisements, strongly support limits on how much campaigns can spend and favor full disclosure of spending by both campaigns and outside groups.
The Times report stated that the poll found that 92 percent of Americans supported disclosure of campaign expenditures and the donors providing these funds.
"Similarly, there is widespread editorial support throughout the country for requiring outside groups to disclose the donors financing the campaign expenditures they make," according to Wertheimer.
Here comes the cash
The
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Short of public financing for Congressional elections – an unlikely event in this political climate – what is needed are regulations mandating clear and timely disclosure of who is spending money on political campaigns. The Senate should pass the Disclose Act.
Rove v. Obama
Crossroads
So existing law, weakened by the Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling, is letting a flood of unidentified money flow into the congressional races, mainly this year to support Republican nominees.
This lack of transparency, which also allows unions and trade associations to pour money into Democratic campaigns, has troubling implications far beyond the coming election.
Political advertising: prepare for more than the usual spin
Legislation requiring such accountability failed in Congress last month, thanks to a Republican filibuster in the U.S. Senate. By refusing to allow a vote on the bill, Republicans ensured that special interests could avoid accountability for partisan electioneering.
The Supreme Court breakthrough even lets businesses hide their identity as they funnel cash to front committees that buy smear ads. To halt this concealment, Democrats in Congress drafted the Disclose Act, which would force big donors out into the daylight. They still could spend freely to buy elections, but they could no longer hide from the public.
The House passed the Disclose Act, but Democrats in the Senate twice could not overcome Republican opposition. "Not a single Senate Republican and only two in the House have been willing to vote for the Disclose Act," the San Jose Mercury News noted.
The Senate is expected to try again after the election — before more winning Republican senators take their seats. We hope the bill finally passes. It’s disgusting that firms now can spend millions of company money to sway elections, under the silly pretext that such spending is free speech. At least, they shouldn’t be allowed to hide while they do it.
Anonymous donors bad move for good politics
The (
Many are taking advantage of a tax loophole and of last winter’s Supreme Court decision striking down a ban on direct election spending by corporations and unions to raise the ante and to prevent voters from knowing the source of their money.
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An informed electorate is the best defense against political misinformation. Anyone who attempts to hide the sources of his or her money is an enemy of thoughtful voters.
Require full disclosure, but don’t limit spending
Congress should close those loopholes and let the sun shine on all political contributions. With transparency, voters can decide for themselves whether campaign contributors unduly influence candidates.
End anonymity in campaign contributions
October 38, 2010
Des Moine Register (IA)
Anonymous donations must be stopped
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Wasn’t it just yesterday we had laws on the books making campaign disclosures more transparent than ever? Sure, you can look up just about any elected official’s contribution forms online, and that’s great. But somehow anonymous donations have slipped in the back door this political season.
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You have to go back to the 1970s and the Watergate era to find so much anonymous cash impacting elections. But political groups have poked holes in the reforms made in the 1970s. It’s time lawmakers close those holes and demand public disclosure as a component to election donations — no matter what group the donor stands behind.
Our views: Torrents of cash
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This destructive practice will get worse in the 2012 presidential election, further threatening the integrity of elections and the sanctity of our democracy.
That’s why we strongly call again for Congress to pass the Disclose Act to clamp down on secret corporate campaign donations. The measure would place strict limits on money foreign-owned companies could spend in campaigns and require nonprofits like Crossroads and the U.S. Chamber to disclose donors.
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This is not a partisan issue, at least outside Congress.
Where’s The Accountability?
The U.S. Supreme Court’s awful Citizens United decision allowing corporations and unions to donate unlimited amounts of campaign money, combined with the soaring popularity among political operatives of certain nonprofit corporations that can accept unlimited amounts of money from anonymous donors, poses a new threat to our democracy.
Public has right to know who is funding campaign ads
The
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One of the first priorities of the newly elected Congress should be a bill requiring full disclosure of contributors to all groups that seek to influence the outcome of an election. Such a law passed the House this year but unfortunately died in the Senate. We can’t make truly informed voting decisions or have real confidence in our elected officials without full transparency about their backers. Why would the people who ask for our trust prefer to keep this information hidden from us?
The
Journal Sentinel (WI)
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In a democracy, it shouldn’t be left to groups with the public interest at heart to sleuth out the kingmakers. In a government of the people and by the people, who "the people" are should not be a secret.
The people need to have full disclosure of the names of individuals and groups that are secretly contributing huge amounts of money right now to attack and defeat candidates and, in doing so, influencing the outcome of elections in America.
The act, simply summarized, seeks to force those pumping money into campaigns to take personal responsibility for their actions and not hide behind front organizations.
It must be passed. Specifically, corporations, labor unions and nonprofits would have to disclose their donors, and their leaders would have to appear on their television ads noting "I approve of this message."
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The DISCLOSE Act might not change the amount of money spent on campaigns, but the sources would be known.
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Stopping the wealthy from buying and manipulating elections may be a lost cause. But the DISCLOSE Act may be the best chance to give the knowledge of who is buying the democratic process back to the American people.
The LaCrosse Tribune (WI)
If a political party receives a donation, the law stipulates that the donation must come from a person whose identity is public knowledge; the amount of donation is public record; and the amount is limited by law.
But interest groups play by different rules. Many of them are registered as not-for-profit entities. They don’t have to report who the donors are or how much they give. They don’t have to make such declarations with the attack ads they produce, either.
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It’s an absurd game that serves no one except those who have a big wallet, want to have a big voice and want to stay absolutely anonymous.
That’s not how transparency should work.
Lexington-Herald Leader (KY)
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In a commentary published by the Herald-Leader the following year, McConnell wrote, "Public disclosure of campaign contributions and spending should be expedited so voters can judge for themselves what is appropriate."
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Now that corporations are people, too, in the eyes of the court and free to spend at will on political causes, McConnell doesn’t want his buddies in the nation’s boardrooms pestered by any disclosure rules.
So, he’s leading the filibuster that so far has blocked passage of a proposal to require corporations, unions and most other independent organizations to open up the books on their political spending.
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After all if "money is free speech" in American politics, as McConnell so often has argued over the years, what’s wrong with letting voters see who’s talking?
The
In an era when digital information can be made easily accessible, there’s no excuse for keeping voters in the dark. Quick and comprehensive campaign finance disclosure would make for a more healthy democracy.
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One remedy for the avalanche of anonymous attack ads is the DISCLOSE Act, which would require nonprofits like Crossroads
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There is no cogent argument against maximum disclosure. (The notion that disclosure would lead to the harassment of donors is laughable.)
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If those who seek to influence elections don’t have the courage of their convictions, Congress must act to identify them.
The remedy lies in the Disclose Act, which the House has passed and is pending in the Senate. It would expand disclosure requirements to help the public know more about the rivers of money pouring into campaigns. Thus far, it has failed to attract any Republican support, but sponsors say they are willing to drop some nonessential provisions — prohibiting government contractors from making donations, for example — to attract at least one or two Republicans.
This bill should be at the top of Congress’ agenda in the lame-duck session that begins later this month. It’s too late to do anything about this year’s elections, but it can remove the shield of secrecy before the next round of races in 2012. A failure to act benefits only those who thrive in political darkness.
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Amid all the gathering armies of wealth and influence, one thing seems sure: once it’s in play, money has a way of entrenching itself in politics. Meanwhile, the voice of a single American vote isn’t getting any louder. Without fast and sweeping campaign finance reform, we risk it shrinking to a whisper.
News & Advance (VA)
The News & Observer (NC)
New York Times
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The Democratic majority needs just a few Republicans to break party lock step and stand up for politicking in the sunshine.
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The so-called Republican moderates – Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of
New York Times
If not, the three and the entire Republican Party should explain why they prefer Senator McConnell’s diktat that voters are best left in the dark.
New York Times
News Sentinel (TN)
On the other hand, we have a right to expect transparency and accountability: to know where the money comes from, where it goes and what is at issue.
And we hope enough other officeholders – like
North
And maybe it will happen after the midterm elections are over.
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What will help keep politics clean are disclosure rules —- and all the technology for that is available now.
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In the spirit of this reasoning, consider Justice Anthony Scalia’s remarks in a case upholding the disclosure of the identities of referendum petition-signers (Doe v. Reed, also this summer): "Requiring people to stand up in public for their political acts fosters civic courage, without which democracy is doomed."
While expectations of what could be passed in the "lame duck" session of Congress after the election are unrealistic, a stripped-down DISCLOSE Act ought to be at the top of the list. It may be impossible to keep businesses, industries and even foreign governments from buying members of Congress – but at least we should know who owns them.
A bill stalled in the Senate, the Disclose Act, would alleviate some of the mystery now shrouding federal elections. It would require groups to reveal who’s paying for their campaign ads. The legislation was approved by the House last summer, but Senate Republicans have blocked it.
It’s too late to clear up this growing problem in the midterm elections. But Congress must address the growing secrecy invading federal elections before the 2012 presidential race.
Press Democrat (CA)
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Money can’t be driven from politics, and the U.S. Supreme Court isn’t likely to change its mind any time soon. What should be driven from politics is anonymous money.
Roll Call
But now that the Supreme Court’s conservative majority has opened the way for unlimited corporate spending on campaigns, suddenly Republicans are backtracking on disclosure, claiming it will "chill" free speech.
It’s rank hypocrisy, and those who indulge in it ought to be ashamed of themselves.
Writing for the majority in Citizens United, Justice Anthony M. Kennedy appeared to be terribly out of touch with how federal campaign finance disclosure works. Kennedy wrote that the advent of the Internet would result in "prompt disclosure of expenditures," providing citizens "with the information needed to hold corporations and elected officials accountable."
At the same time, a bevy of organizations has sprung up to take advantage of Citizens United and existing tax laws by accepting donations to pay for political ads. Many of these donations can stay secret, and while they are thought to account for about 10 percent of election spending this year, their success this time around means they are expected to grow exponentially in 2012.
Donor secrecy is insidious because campaign spending gives the clearest possible picture of who stands to win and lose in any given race.
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We hope that once the election frenzy subsides, a few Republican senators will listen to their consciences. Susan Collins, Olympia Snowe, John McCain, Richard Lugar and Thad Cochran all previously have voted for much more restrictive campaign finance laws.
The Disclose Act will be just a start at solving campaign finance problems. For example, Congress and the
Scranton-Times Tribune (PA)
The Star Tribune (MN)
But disclosure, as we also said last winter, is the key to keeping that two-way conversation going. There is no respectable argument for secrecy among large, influential institutions.
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In this information age, there is no good reason to delay a full accounting of just who is doing the speaking.
This, even though in previous years, prominent Republican senators, including Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, John Cornyn of Texas and Jeff Sessions of Alabama, all had said full disclosure and transparency were key to campaign spending reform.
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Today we have hundreds of "astroturf" front groups for corporate interests spending millions of dollars to influence elections and congressional votes, even fronting money for some Tea Party groups. The source of the money remains secret, and the motivation of donors remains suspect.
Until the nation can get money out of politics – or at the very least, get better disclosure laws – a good rule of thumb for voters is this: If you can’t tell who’s paying for a campaign ad, don’t believe it.
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In reaction to Citizens United, the House passed the DISCLOSE Act, which would require nonprofits to disclose the names of the companies, organizations and individuals who fund them.
The act also would require the chief officers of corporations and nonprofits to appear in ads and take responsibility for them, just as candidates do for advertising sponsored by their campaigns.
That doesn’t seem too much to ask. The public should be able to tell whose money is behind what candidate.
Unfortunately, the DISCLOSE Act was blocked in the Senate by a Republican filibuster.
It should be taken up again after the election.
The Times Record (ME)
If spending caps are now illegal, we at least should strengthen disclosure requirements so voters will know how much corporations are spending on political donations. The DISCLOSE Act – which was blocked by a unanimous Republican "no" vote in the U.S. Senate this September – tried to do just that.
In dissent, then-Justice John Paul Stevens warned prophetically that this "radical change in the law dramatically enhances the role of corporations and unions – and the narrow interests they represent – in determining who will hold public office."
Worse yet, many of the independent sources of money in this high-profile election were unknown to voters. Secrecy offered the incentive for unscrupulous interests to spend freely.
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With the headache of bitter politicking still fresh, Americans of all political persuasions must take post-election stock of what happened and demand a change.
The Disclose Act, a response to the Supreme Court ruling, seeks to increase transparency of corporate and special-interest money in national political campaigns.
The measure passed the House in June. But Senate Republicans blocked it, calling it an effort to favor Democratic interests. Viewing it through a partisan prism is shortsighted.
Republicans reeled in more campaign money than Democrats this cycle, but the thing about cycles is that they go around. It’s time to put country, not party, first – and cure an ill that has made Americans suffer.
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With the Supreme Court having struck down limits on the size of corporate and union contributions, megamoney pouring into elections is apparently here to stay. But the court’s January decision explicitly invited disclosure rules, so more transparency would be an improvement.
The Virginia Pilot (VA)
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Money will always be a perverting factor in American politics. The least voters can expect, as their political system is twisted, is to know who is doing it and what it costs.
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To have campaigns underwritten or votes swayed by money whose source is not known is the antithesis of a well-functioning democratic system.
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Passing a stripped-down, disclosure-only version of the DISCLOSE Act should be at the top of the agenda for the lame-duck Congress.